Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz Feels the "Burn," Bernie

Fidelity to Communism does not make one an infidel in the eyes of the conciliar revolutionaries. It is thus only natural for Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz's fidelity to Communism while demonstrating infidelity to the Catholic Faith should not matter to a Jorge Mario Bergoglio, who is the most notorious infidel on the face of the earth, and it obviously does not matter to the atheist Bernard John Sanders. 

Although I am not a mystic and do not know for certainty the sentence that Christ the King pronounced upon the soul of Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz upon his death thirty-nine months ago tomorrow, I think that it is safe to safe that he is feeling the "burn" now and for all eternity in hell, a place to which Bernard John Sanders, whose own immortal soul has been made in the image and likeness of God and has been redeemed by the shedding of every single drop of the Most Precious Blood of Our Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ during His Passion and Death on the wood of the Holy Cross on Good Friday even though he, Sanders, does not know about this. Worse yet, Bernard John Sanders does not want to know about this. One cannot be a Socialist and a sincere Catholic at the time same time.

The Castros are the greatest scourges that Cuba, which had been evangelized by Our Lady of Guadalupe herself, has known. They are the very  fulfillment of Saint Anthony Mary Claret's prophetic warning to the people of Cuba as to what would happen in they persisted in the sort of wanton immorality that Jorge Mario Bergoglio just shrugs off as meaning nothing as long as one “serves the poor":     

On Christmas Day God infused into me the love of persecution and calumnies. . . . I dreamed I was imprisoned for a crime of which I was innocent. . . . To one who would have defended me, as St. Peter wished to defend Our Savior, I said: 'Shall I not drink the chalice my Father has given me?'

"On January 6, 1859, Our Lord made known to me that I am like the earth . . . which is trampled upon, yet doesn't speak. I, too, must be trodden underfoot and say nothing. The earth suffers cultivation. I must suffer mortification. Finally, to produce anything, the earth needs water; I, for the performance of good works, divine grace."

How consoling it must have been to hear Jesus promise him divine love, while tenderly addressing him as: "My little Anthony"--on April 27, 1859! And how he strove, ever harder, to obey his Redeemer's injunction, given at 4:25 a.m., on September 4, of that same year: "You have to teach your missionaries mortification, Anthony," to which, a few moments later, Our Lady added, "Thus will you reap fruit in souls, Anthony!"

And, now conditioned to receive supernatural messages in precise words and audible tones, and when they were precepts, to obey perfectly, he was ready for the most glorious promise and the most portentous revelation of all. "At 7:30 on the morning of September 23, Our Lord told me: 'You will fly across the earth . . . to preach of the immense chastisements soon to come to pass.' And He gave me to understand those words of the Apocalypse: 'And I behold and heard the voice of one eagle flying through the midst of heaven, saying with a a loud voice: Woe, woe, woe, to the inhabitants of the earth; by reason of the rest of the voices of the three angels who are yet to sound the trumpet.' this meant that the three great judgments of God that are going to fall upon the world are: 1) Protestantism and Communism; 2) the four archdemons who will,in a truly frightful manner, incite all to the love of pleasure, money, reason and independence of will; 3) the great wars with their horrible consequences."

Can we read this prophecy, set down for us a century ago, just when our world was entering upon the "golden age" of industry and commerce, of the scientific achievement that our grandfathers were assured was destined to create a life so good for all peoples that war would be banished forever, and doubt from whence it came? And do we dare to trace it from the Protestant Reformation to the curse of Communism; from the conquest of materialism to the deification of poor weak human reason and self-determination into "the great wars and their horrible consequences"! Upon the clean tablet of Anthony Claret's selfless spirit Our Lord engraved the warning His servant was to spell out for us" the incredible but inevitable graph of the "progress" of one century--our century! (Franchon Royer, The Life of St. Anthony Mary Claret, published originally in 1957 by Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, and republished by TAN Books and Publishers, 1985, pp. 211-213.) 

Americans brought Protestantism with them in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War in 1898 and thereafter. Communism followed in its wake sixty and one-half years later.

Oh, and just by the way, Saint Anthony Mary Claret received Our Blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ's promises as to what would happen to Cuba and the rest of the world took place in 1859, precisely one hundred years prior to the infidel Castro's bloody takeover of Cuba, noting that "soft" Communism exists in this country as well, which was founded upon Protestant and Judeo-Masonic principles and whose politics and social life are defined by "love of pleasure, money, reason and independencce of will." This characterizes both major organized crime families of naturalism that are called "political parties" but are really agents of Judeo-Masonic naturalism, and that is the antihesis of the Catholic Faith and the Social Reign of Christ the King.

Our Lady herself called upon Saint Anthony Mary Claret to be the new Saint Dominic of his time in order to spread devotion to her Most Holy Rosary:

On various other occasions during that perplexing year [1857] which had brought him home to Spain, he had been blessed by direct messages--in words--from the Blessed Mother. In October: "Now you know; be sorry for the sins of your pat life, and watchful in the future. . . . Do you hear me, Anthony? Be watchful in the future. This is what I have to say to you." And later: "You must be the Dominic of these times in propagating devotion to the Rosary."  (Franchon Royer, The Life of St. Anthony Mary Claret, published originally in 1957 by Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, and republished by TAN Books and Publishers, 1985, p. 211.)

To the Immaculate Heart of Mary we turn in these trying times as we keep close to this Heart from which the very Sacred Heart of Jesus was formed by means of praying as many Rosaries each day as our state-in-life permits.

Immaculate Heart of Mary, triumph soon!

Viva Cristo Rey! Vivat Christus Rex!

Our Lady of the Miraculous Medeal, pray for us.

Saint Joseph, pray for us.

Saints Peter and Paul, pray for us.

Saint John the Baptist, pray for us.

Saint John the Evangelist, pray for us.

Saint Michael the Archangel, pray for us.

Saint Gabriel the Archangel, pray for us.

Saint Raphael the Archangel, pray for us.

Saints Joachim and Anne, pray for us.

Saints Caspar, Melchior, and Balthasar, pray for us.

Saint Mattias, pray for us.

Appendix A

More Documentation on Castro's Crimes

Consider just a brief excerpt from a very fine scholarly essay on the subject of a man named "Faithful" (Fidel)'s murderous, repressive ways:

From 1898 until the 1930’s, the U.S., to the discomfort of Cuba’s independent-minded nationalists, exercised strong political and economic control over Havana. Cuba’s economy – heavily reliant on sugar, foreign companies, and tourism – was closely linked to the U.S. market. Experiments in Cuban democracy deteriorated into dictatorships such as that of Gerardo Machado (1925-1933) and Fulgencio Batista (1952-1959). Cubans tended to blame the U.S. for the failures of their democracy and for U.S. willingness to “prefer” the stability of a strong man over the disorder and uncertainty of democracy. Nevertheless, by 1959, Cuba was one of Latin America’s best educated, most prosperous nations.

Credit for the success of the revolutionary movement and building Cuban communism belongs to Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz. Son of a Spanish immigrant who owned 10,000 acres and employed 500, Castro was born in 1926 and was educated in Cuba’s elite schools. As a law student in the 1940’s, Fidel demonstrated a restless intellect coupled with the instincts of a strategist and a street fighter. At an early age, he discovered radical politics and the utility of political violence.

On July 26, 1952, Fidel helped lead a bloody, unsuccessful assault on Batista’s troops garrisoned in the Moncada Barracks in Santiago. Captured after the attack, Castro converted his trial into a propaganda victory. After less than two years in prison, Castro received an amnesty and traveled to Mexico where he recruited a small revolutionary army. Founding members included brother Raúl (b. 1931) and the Argentine doctor, Ernesto “Che” Guevara, (1928-1967). The guerrilla band landed in Cuba on the yacht Granma in December 1956. After several bloody clashes a handful of survivors disappeared into the Sierra Maestra Mountains.

Like many other Communist leaders, a ruthless but pragmatic Castro set as his primary objective the overthrow of the Batista regime and the armed seizure of power. Putting aside divisions over ideology, he forged broad alliances with historic opposition parties, organized labor and radical elements in the cities.

The press often portrayed Fidel and his band as young idealists fighting a corrupt, unpopular tyranny. Castro promised a “democratic Cuba,” restoration of the Cuban constitution, free elections, and claimed to harbor “no animosity toward the U.S.” A positive image of the rebels coupled with repugnance for Batista’s strong-arm methods, led the U.S. to impose an arms embargo on the Batista regime.

By late 1958, the Batista government began to crumple. On New Year’s Eve, Batista escaped to the Dominican Republic. On January 9, 1959, Fidel Castro arrived in Havana to tumultuous acclaim. Within weeks, Castro commenced maneuvering against liberals and democrats, breaking alliances and power sharing deals to solidify personal power and set Cuba on the path to communist dictatorship.

Frictions swiftly developed between the U.S. and Fidel. The U.S. challenged the use of summary “people’s courts” proceedings and firing squads that executed hundreds of former Batista officials and soldiers. Fidel defended “revolutionary justice,” explaining that moral conviction had replaced legal precepts as a guiding rationale. A system of prisons expanded as Fidel took over Batista’s old prisons and built new ones. Thousands passed into Fidel’s “tropical Gulag.” In the coming years, millions of Cubans believed themselves to be trapped in an immense, open air prison.

To try to leave the island without government permission became a criminal offense. Nonetheless a massive diaspora of Cubans was underway by 1960 to the benefit of the U.S. It is estimated that more Cubans were killed by fellow Cubans while trying to escape than the number of Germans killed by East German border guards manning the Berlin Wall.

Although Castro promised democratic elections, none were ever held. The free press was muzzled; judicial independence was lost. Nationalization and confiscation of foreign and domestically-owned property shifted wealth and power from the city and the middle class to the peasants and the working class. Agrarian reforms targeted large private and foreign-owned estates, paving the way for the creation of cooperatives. State planning and bureaucratic controls became omnipresent in all aspects of economic life.

Starting from a relatively advantaged position, the Cuban revolution sought to combat illiteracy, broaden health care coverage, and reduce extreme want. The key debate to this day focuses on the terrible costs paid in the curtailment of individual freedoms and the regimentation of daily life, especially when one recalls that Cuba in 1959 stood on an economic par with a Portugal or Spain.

The utopian aspirations of Cuba’s revolution reflected a promise to establish a just society on earth and create what “Che” Guevara called a New Man, a politically-conscious individual free from the taint of bourgeois materialism and personal ambition. Foreign policy would put Cuba at the service of anti-imperialism and anti-Americanism throughout the world, which meant close collaboration with the Kremlin leadership. While experts quibbled whether socialism or communism was practiced on the island, Fidel left no doubt that he was committed to the same trail blazed by Lenin, Stalin, and Mao.

With the U.S. always just over the horizon, Fidel gambled on replacing ties with the U.S. with a new geopolitical protector, the Soviet Union. In February 1960, Cuba and the Soviet Union signed a multi-year contract for the purchase of Cuban sugar and massive credit. In the next two decades, Soviet military trainers and equipment converted Cuba’s military into a formidable expeditionary force. Economic dependency on the U.S. yielded to economic vassalage to the Soviet Union.

In 1961, the U.S. backed an ill-fated attempt by Cuban exiles to overthrow the new Castro regime. The Bay of Pigs was a major foreign policy fiasco for President John F. Kennedy and allowed Fidel to crack down on all internal opposition. Henceforth fear of invasion and equating opposition to Cuban communism with acts of treason were essential weapons in Castro’s political arsenal. They remain so today. On May 1, 1960, Fidel proclaimed Cuba a socialist state; less than a year later, he swore allegiance to Marxism-Leninism, forever.

Under Premier Nikita Khrushchev, the Soviets gambled in 1962 on a shift in the correlation of international power as they attempted to station nuclear missiles and 22,000 Russian troops in Cuba. The missile crisis of October 1962 carried the U.S. and the Soviet Union to the brink of nuclear conflict. Fidel urged a preemptive strike against the U.S. and announced he was ready to sacrifice Cuba for the global triumph of socialism. Khrushchev did not give Fidel a chance for nuclear self-immolation. The U.S.-Soviet deal resulted in the removal of Soviet missiles in exchange for a U.S. promise not to invade Cuba.

While his leadership style blended elements of nationalism, utopianism, and anti-Americanism, Fidel constructed a Leninist-style dictatorship. The central institutional pillars include the Cuban Communist Party, serving as the vanguard of the people; the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces, which embody a commitment to defend and advance the revolution; and a world-class intelligence and security service able to protect the leadership from all enemies and ferret out any organized opposition. Mass organizations such as the Committees for Defense of the Revolution (CDR) served as conduits for top-down leadership and a means to preserve revolutionary consciousness within the masses.

For decades, Fidel relied heavily upon creating conditions of psychological bondage, where the highest social values are political conformity, loyalty to the system, the denial of individualism, and the rejection of critical or independent thought. (History | Cuba Exhibit | Global Museum on Communism.)

Former news reporter Bonnie Anderson, who worked for the National Broadcasting Company television network's news dvision and for the Cable News Network, provided her own personal testimony of the murderous ways of the man chosen by God to be an instrument of "peace" and "justice on earth, the "greatest Latin-American of all time, Fidel Castro:

It is deeply wrenching to witness a week of lavish celebrations honoring Fidel Castro's birth when most likely every day, somewhere in the world, anguished families quietly mourn the death of a loved one at the hands of this heartless, evil man. That Fidel, himself, may be dying is not much comfort to me. I believe in justice and while he will be judged by God when he dies, he has yet to be judged on Earth for his crimes against humanity.

My father, Howard F. Anderson, was only one of 20,000 people tortured and executed by Fidel Castro. Before my Dad's execution by firing squad, he had most of his blood drained from his body to be used for transfusions for the revolutionary troops. Other political prisoners who watched the execution from their cells told me years later that my father refused a blindfold. And he whistled as the bullets tore into his body. One of the few memories I have, since I was only 5 years old at the time, was that my Dad whistled when he was angry. With the ''ready, aim, fire'' order, I, too, was wounded forever more. This ruthless dictator robbed me of a lifetime with my father, a lifetime of fatherly advice, a lifetime of memories.

So no, I don't want to see him die this way, of natural causes, or at this time. I have always hoped the world would recognize him for what he is and that Fidel Castro would be judged, convicted and sentenced for his crimes against humanity in an international court of law. A death from old age is far, far too lenient a punishment for a man who has killed so many people, destroyed the lives of literally millions.

As a journalist, I refrain from generalities. But I do believe there are few Cubans on the island and even fewer Cuban exiles who have not had a family member either executed or imprisoned by this megalomaniac. What I fail to understand is why there seems to be little national compassion for the pain that Cuban exiles have experienced. Americans show compassion for cancer survivors, for DUI and rape victims, for people suffering from depression, physical and mental abuse. We show compassion for famine victims in Africa; as an NBC news correspondent, I broke stories about genocide in Ethiopia, and the world -- but especially the United States -- responded with millions of dollars of money, but most important, with compassion. Organizations have sprung up to defend and champion the victims of all these issues, and rightly so. There is public acceptance that these people have suffered and have been wronged. It is morally right. So why, I ask, are Cuban exiles not afforded the same support and compassion?

I was a CNN network executive when the Elián González issue was a major story. I was horrified by the coverage by my network and all others. It pained me deeply to see sound-bites by people who said about the Cuban-Americans in this country, ''Why don't they just get over it? It happened so long ago.'' I spoke up to my superiors at CNN. And I'm no longer there. What I told them was this: Would anyone dare tell a Holocaust survivor, or the sons, daughters and grandchildren of the Holocaust to ''just forget about it'' because it happened so long ago? Of course not. Castro did not kill as many as Hitler did, and I would never diminish the horror and huge dimensions of the Holocaust, but Castro was -- and is -- our Hitler in Latin America.

BORN IN CUBA

Despite my Anglo name, I was born in Cuba. My mother was born there. Her parents are buried there. My father was buried there until Castro was so ticked off by an article I wrote in 1978 as a Miami Herald reporter that he had my father's remains dug up and thrown out. I am most proud of being Cuban American. And I want the rest of the world to understand our pain. It is part of our daily lives, no matt er where we live. It is the ache of losing a country, but it is more than that, too. It is a loss we feel in our blood and in our bones. It is also clearly an emotional demise in many ways -- a void in our pasts which continues to the present and will continue through the future. You can't make up for years of lost family experiences -- normal, human experiences that most other people enjoy. These are memories that have been stolen for all time. For myself, I have only two memories of my father and what saddens me is that I can't be absolutely certain that they truly are recollections or whether I've simply grasped onto scenes from the few home movies we managed to smuggle out of Cuba and morphed them into memories. When I think of this, it provokes a deep, dark cutting sadness in me.

Cuban exiles can't expect others who have not experienced what we have to actually know our pain and understand our passion for wanting to address the wrongs done us. Rape victims can't expect that. Neither can the parents of children who have been killed by drunk drivers, or family members who have lost loved ones in the current Iraq conflict. Or family members of the victims of Columbine, or 9/11. The people who survived the genocide in Ethiopia and in so many other places can't expect anyone to truly know their pain. Our pain is part of our spirit. The most we can hope for is compassion. The day that Castro's illness was first reported, I woke up very early and was watching CBS. On their early morning shows, they repeatedly said that ''Castro is considered a ruthless dictator by some in Miami.''

I fired off an e-mail to CBS President Sean McManus. What I wrote, in short, was this: If a man who murdered 20,000 people, imprisoned for decades hundreds of thousands of others, caused countless hundreds of thousands to flee the country (many losing their lives in desperate attempts to reach freedom on flimsy rafts) and has repressed a nation for nearly five decades - - denying them the most basic of human rights -- is not considered a ruthless dictator by all, who the hell is? I haven't heard back from him. I don't expect I will. In fact, I suspect he, and other network executives, will continue to cozy up to the Cuban government (whoever leads it) in order to make sure that when Castro dies, their networks have access to the coverage. That's the way it is in the corporate news world. But I have faith in my fellow American citizens. And I know, in my heart and spirit, that when the truth is known, those of us who have suffered at the hands of Fidel Castro will finally receive the compassion we are due.

IN MOURNING

While Fidel is celebrating a birthday, my brothers, sister and I are mourning the death not only of our father but also of our mother, Dorothy Stauber Anderson McCarthy, who died less than two months ago. She was 39 years old when Fidel made her a widow. She struggled to raise us and give us a new life, and she was most successful. But her greatest triumph was to instill a sense of right and honor in us, to teach us strength and morality. A month after her death, a New York judge ruled that we should receive millions of dollars of the frozen Cuban assets held in this country because of Fidel Castro's murder of my father. It is a very welcome decision but very bittersweet. Fidel Castro is alive and he knows he has been tried, convicted and sentenced to pay for his heinous act. But the fact that my mother isn't alive to see this final measure of justice is a soul-deep wound that I will live with for the rest of my life. I weep for her. I weep for us, and I weep for all who have been the victims of Fidel Castro. Happy Birthday? Please.

Bonnie M. Anderson is a 27-year veteran of print, radio, Internet and television journalism in English and in Spanish. She has worked on camera for local, national and international news organizations, including two decades with NBC News and CNN. Anderson won se ven Emmy Awards, was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize and has been nominated for the María Coors Cabot Lifetime Achievement Award, which is sponsored by Columbia University. Capt. Anderson is now following a family tradition and is running a charter fishing operation out of Culebra, Puerto Rico. (Fidel Castro has yet to face justice )

Droleskey postcript: Fidel Alejandro Casto Ruz has faced Divine Justice.

To quote Sergeant Preston, "King, this case is closed."